A former official from the Syrian Development Commission disclosed that this organization, established by Asma Al-Assad in 2001, was merely a tool leveraged by the regime to consolidate its influence, where its humanitarian work was overshadowed by a repressive political agenda. By exploiting the name of charitable work, the commission managed to expand its reach, transforming into a parallel authority drawing strength from its connections with the Syrian regime.
It is noted that this institution, which emerged at a time when independent NGOs were few, succeeded in monopolizing charitable work in Syria. It operated 15 centers across various governorates, while its influence and power far surpassed that of state ministries and governors. Witnesses confirmed that the directors of the commission's branches possessed powers exceeding those of some governors, benefiting from their proximity to the First Lady and the influence this held on businessmen and security agencies.
Undoubtedly, the commission was characterized by a corruption-laden organizational structure, employing over 200 administrative staff compared to about 20 field workers, with salaries reaching 23,000 dollars in Damascus, and high maintenance bills for the institution's properties. For instance, the maintenance bill for a bus belonging to Asma Al-Assad totaled 3.5 million Syrian pounds, revealing the severe administrative corruption within the institution.
One of the most significant aspects revealed by investigations is the exploitation of cultural festivals and economic initiatives as a means for systematic land seizure, where extensive areas of land in the town of Mourk in Hama Governorate were handed over to regime loyalists through auctions under the guise of the Pistachio Festival. Testimonials from displaced individuals, who found their properties listed for confiscation, highlight the ongoing tragedy faced by Syrians.
While the Syrian Development Commission attempted to present itself as a humanitarian entity, reports from the Guardian in 2016 confirmed that the UN transferred around 8.5 million dollars to the commission despite sanctions against entities linked to it. During the period between 2014 and 2022, regime-loyal authorities diverted 60% of total aid, exceeding 30 billion dollars, to areas under regime control, while opposition regions were denied such aid.
The documentary 'Behind the Facade' reveals startling details regarding the exploitation of public funds, indicating that 250 million dollars were transferred from Damascus to Moscow aboard a private Russian aircraft, signifying a pattern of entrenched corruption within the institution. This was not an exception but rather a reflection of the structural corruption that has shaped the commission's infrastructure since its inception.
The Syrian Development Commission continues to operate under the relief umbrella, maintaining its political influence and power at both local and international levels, emphasizing the necessity for accountability of institutions that manipulate humanitarian situations and exploit crises to bolster their authority.
In this context, there is a pressing need for a new perspective on relief and humanitarian aid, moving away from exploitation and using crises to enhance power, which requires a coordinated international effort to ensure aid reaches those in need without political interference.